Phillosophically Speaking: Twenty-five years of crimes and conspiracies


The unleased power of the atom has changed everything save our modes of thinking, and thus we drift toward unparalleled catastrophe. —Albert Einstein
9/11/2001 “changed everything,” except—it didn’t. —Phill Courtney

By Phill Courtney
On the morning of 9/11/2001, I was teaching English at Perris Lake High School in Perris California, when those planes flew into those buildings that dark day twenty-five years ago. I didn’t find out at school, but on the radio before I’d left, and while my duties at the school included teaching, I also supervised student volunteers in the main office as we announced various timely bulletins over the P.A. system, ranging from reminders about overdue library books to afterschool activities, but that morning, of course, was decidedly different.
I decided that my main duty that morning over the P.A. was to calm students’ fears (and perhaps some faculty members’ as well) with a measured and factual account of just what was known by that early point in time, followed by the Pledge of Allegiance. I’ve never been a big fan of that recitation’s rote nature, often replacing it with a “highlight from American history” to satisfy the California Ed Code, but, again, that morning was different, so the Pledge took on an added emotional intensity.
However, despite my attempts to be factually accurate during the announcements, later that morning I immediately experienced one student’s reaction to the events that would, unfortunately, be shared by many adults in the coming weeks; months; and years: an unfounded “buying into” various alternate versions of what had “really happened”—or, in the student’s case, what was happening.
Since I did the announcements, and, thinking that I must be the campus source of information about the ongoing events, she had breathlessly rushed to my room to find out if it was true that one of the planes was heading towards Disneyland—a fear that at least made a distorted sort of sense for a teenager—and was relieved when I was able to reassured her that, as far as I knew, there was not.
If only dealing with adults in the future had been as easy. Almost immediately I was hit full force with the reality of that problem when I went to my brother’s house for the annual family Thanksgiving dinner just a few days after the W. Bush administration had decided to start bombing the people of an entire country for the crimes of some radical jihadists hiding out there.
Later that afternoon, after some socializing and a lawn game, my father—who, up until then, with one exception, had never meet an American bombing he didn’t like (he and his one brother had not approved of the Japanese atomic bombings) decided that we needed to discuss the war around the dinner table, and despite my advice that perhaps it would be best if we didn’t, informing him that my column about it would soon be published, which we could discuss later, he wouldn’t have it.
Over the next thirty minutes or so, I soon discovered that every member of my extended family (some ten that day, including my dad’s brother and my former girlfriend), supported the bombing of Afghanistan, and despite my heartfelt pleas and arguments that bombing the country during our government’s alleged “War on Terror” would do no “good,” was unable to “move the needle” (or any hearts) when it came to the bombing. That night I went home and sobbed in bed after my futile attempt to divert any in my own family from a path that I knew would soon lead to unspeakable tragedy for countless people.
And this was the unwavering way ahead for millions of Americans as they fell into line along this “patriotic path” in the weeks to come, with a few notable exceptions like the courageous African American congresswoman, Oakland’s Barbara Lee, who questioned the wisdom of granting George W. unlimited power and time to wage his “War on Terror,” and voted accordingly, becoming the sole vote against it amongst a total of some four hundred plus representatives. Need I say that her reward for doing so was countless anonymous death threats.
Although I did have a number of “fellow travelers” when I came to opposing the war, not the least of whom were members of the Green party, many on the so-called “left” decided to make that radical left-hand turn into the twisting corridors and halls of mirrors that many of the 9/11 conspiracy theories inevitably led to; theories that have ultimately led to yet more conspiracy theories and, finally, to nowhere.
Looking back on it, in particular I remember one gathering in the Redlands Smiley Library Assembly room a couple of years later that packed the place with people eager to hear the “truths” of 9/11, particularly those put forth by a group calling itself “Engineers and Architects for 9/11 Truth,” which was then riding high on the crest of countless videos about the subject.
Although I was also eager to “keep an open mind” about such theories as the claimed “controlled demolitions” that supposedly brought down the Twin Towers and the third building that collapsed that day, I also began to question the ability of theorists to counter every counter argument with a counter argument, particularly after I’d read the mainstream Popular Mechanics magazine report on the subject.
They did a thorough examination of the physics involved and dismissed basically all the theories, but I was told by a theorist I was dialoguing with then, that, of course, Popular Mechanics would be dismissive since they were “bought off,” and part of the conspiracy. He also told me that the Osama bin Laden seen on a video taking credit for 9/11, was an impersonator hired by the CIA.
So, this was the way it went as the “War on Terror” morphed into the “War on Iraq,” and the W. Bush administration pressed its case that we needed to use our military to pull off a pre-emptive invasion of Iraq to prevent Saddam Hussein from acquiring those mythical “weapons of mass destruction,” which I call mythical because—they were—proven beyond a doubt after W. got his invasion and none was discovered.
But W.’s and his co-conspirators’ “full court press” and propaganda campaign about those weapons proved sadly convincing. Not only did they get England’s Prime Minister, Tony Blair, to go along with it, many Americans did too, with a Time magazine poll showing that over seventy percent—yes, seventy percent—even believed W. and company’s later insinuations that Hussein had attacked us on 9/11—a boldface falsehood that was so obviously bogus it’s still amazing to me that anyone believed it.
Now I use the term “co-conspirators” because this term strikes at the core of the problem in the years since 9/11, because, despite all those theories about what “really happened” on 9/11, none has been proven, while one absolutely has. It soon became obvious to me that while the Bush administrate did not “orchestrate” the attacks on 9/11, nor “allow” them to happen, they definitely took “advantage” of them and launched a conspiracy within the White House to do so.
Yes, here’s a conspiracy that’s thoroughly proven, and the problem is not any of the others that haven’t, but the one that has, which, tragically for the world and our country, did not result in any government investigations that proved it and brought these co-conspirators, who were responsible for hundreds of thousands of deaths, to justice because not a single one of them has served a single day in prison.

And that glaring lack of justice continued on into the following presidential administration of Barack Obama, who, when asked if he would prosecute any of the unindicted criminals in the W. administration for their illegal wars, famously told the American people that it was time to look forward, not backward, and to just basically get over it, resulting in the continuing chain of criminality.
Not only was there that dereliction of duty, but, instead of, for instance, turning it all over to peacekeeping troops from the United Nations, Obama continued the illegal occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan which followed the internationally illegal wars on those countries, which, in turn, was also kept in place by that certain president which followed Obama in 2017.
Admirably, although chaotically, Joe Biden, the president whose one term was bookended by the two of Trump’s, was courageous enough to see the futility after twenty years of occupation; faced reality; and ordered a pullout in 2021, he must have known full-well that he would face a storm of criticism by, of course, the attack-dog Republicans, but that he would also weather some pushback within his own party as well.
In the meantime, instead of pulling the plug, Biden made sure that our weapons pipeline continued to flow into Israel to enable their internationally recognized genocide in Gaza, so there’s no giving him “a pass,” there, let alone most in his own party, and, predictably, the Republicans as well (with a handful of exceptions), so it must first be recognized that both of our major parties have engaged and are engaging in international (and national) criminality if we’re to have any chance of moving forward.
And now, as we mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of 9/11, we find that the government of our current president is still continuing another totally illegal war under both national and international laws, and for those who seemingly still can’t (or won’t) recognized that fact, here’s one simple and understandable way to define why this is true: the laws say that one country cannot attack another country unless that country has first attacked them, or is about to. In other words: no pre-emptive wars.
Remarkably, some ten years ago, I even had to explain this principle to a local man running for Congress as a Republican who seemed to have not thought about it before. Of course, W.’s administration did their best to convince many Americans that this threat from Iraq was real (and did, astoundingly, succeed with many, including Hillary Clinton, which should have disqualified her from any presidential run) and had the capacity, from thousands and thousands of miles away, to attack the most militarily powerful country in the world—a country which could, in turn, wipe them off the map. It’s a contention that’s totally absurd on its face.
So, the question remains: in the next twenty-five years where do we go from here in the next twenty-five, since the last twenty-five have demonstrated beyond a doubt that 9/11’s dreadful events did not fundamentally change the criminal nature of our country’s foreign policy?
Well, the first badly needed step is for all Americans (or at least the vast majority) to recognize that our government consists of many international outlaws (along with, of course, many other nations as well); embrace the laws of the U.N. and other legal bodies (as well as our own in the Constitution) and elect only leaders who are prepared to do so.
At first it seemed that Trump would break with the past when he talked about the 2003 Iraq War as “stupid” when he was running the first time in 2016 and vowed to keep us out of anymore “stupid” wars, thereby clearing the debate stage of his Republican rivals (even I applauded that), but, of course, his second term with this war on Iran blew that promise completely out of the water—both figuratively and literally—and I’m sorry to say this, Don, but it looks like you’re just going to have to kiss that Nobel Peace Prize goodbye.
So, that’s the first step now before any others can follow, but because of the past twenty-five years—years that included those conversations with my family; that talk with a Republican congressional candidate; and many encounters with self-described progressive Democrats, who inwardly see the reality of their party’s criminal policies, but outwardly remain “loyal,” while they continue to claim that they will eventually “change the party from within,” leave me somewhat skeptical about the future.
In other words: I’m not holding my breath. But, on the other hand, after working on all I’ve explained in this column and through all these years since 9/11, including a run for Congress myself in 2002, I’m not prepared to “throw in the towel,” and will never do so for as long as I can, and, if you haven’t yet, welcome all who want to join me. Our nation needs you.
Phill Courtney was a long-time high school English teacher and a Riverside County candidate for Congress with the Green party in 1998 and 2002. His email is: pjcourtney1311@gmail.com

Split Verdict In Ortiz Eavesdropping Case

San Bernardino 7th Ward Councilwoman Treasure Ortiz this afternoon was convicted on a charge of unlawfully recording her August 29, 2024 conversation with San Bernardino Police Chief Darren Goodman but acquitted of a similar charge relating to her use of her cellphone to electronically memorialize another conversation she had two weeks earlier, on August 15, 2024 with Sergeant Jose Loera, the president of the San Bernardino Police Officers Association.
While the jury’s verdicts have brought the curtain down on the trial court proceedings in what was a tightly circumscribed airing of facts that proceeded out of a far wider circumstance than what was framed by the San Bernardino County District Attorney’s Office for the jury’s consideration, Ortiz’s attorney vowed to pursue an appeal and press forward with Ortiz’s civil case against the City of San Bernardino and its police department.
It was Ortiz’s effort more than two years ago to document a series of events that formed the foundation of that civil suit which resulted in the recordings that constituted the crimes the district attorney’s office alleged she had committed and which served as the primary evidence presented against her, which ultimately led to both her conviction and acquital.
Ortiz, a professor in the field of public administration at Cal State San Bernardino has been involved in county and local politics for the better part of the last decade. In 2018, she applied for and was considered by the four remaining members of the San Bernardino County Board of Supervisors for appointment to replace James Ramos as Third District County Supervisor after he was elected to the California Assembly that November with two years remaining on his term as supervisor. She did not garner that appointment, but ran in the specially called May 2019 election to fill the vacancy created on the San Bernardino City Council as a consequence of then-Third Ward Councilman John Valdivia having gained election as mayor in the same November 2018 election and his having resigned from his council post with, likewise, two years remaining on the term to which he had been previously elected. Ortiz lost the May 2019 election to Juan Figueroa, who had been handpicked by Mayor Valdivia to replace him and proved unbeatable with Valdivia’s endorsement and the support of the same network of donors who had backed Valdivia.
During and in the aftermath of the 2019 election, Ortiz demonstrated herself as an implacable opponent of the pay-to-play political culture that was festering around Valdivia in which he was receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in campaign donations and under-the-table cash payments from landowners, real estate speculators, developers, city franchise holders and entities competing for those franchises, business owners and principals whose businesses were competing for or had obtained contracts with the city to deliver goods or services and entrepreneurs seeking business operating permits and then militating on behalf of those who had given him the money to obtain city council decisions in their favor. In this context Ortiz leveled barbs at the San Bernardino Police Officers Union for its involvement in the Valdivia graftfest, based upon the union’s endorsement of him and his support of police officers association in its collective bargaining with the city for pay raise and benefit increases for the city’s police officers. s, m was militating for city council decision Ortiz also criticized alleged cash bribes from city contractors and police procurement practices.
In 2022, Ortiz was among six candidates who challenged Valdivia for the mayor’s post up in that year’s June primary election. She finished fourth, not too far behind Valdivia, whose third place finish behind former San Bernardino City Attorney Jim Penman and former San Bernardino Human Services Director Helen Tran kept him out of the run-off in the November 2022 race, ultimately won by Tran.
Ortiz remained active in civic affairs.
In 2023, having relocated to a residence in the city’s Seventh Ward, Ortiz resolved to run for the city council once again, challenging the Seventh Ward incumbent, Damon Alexander, in the March 2024 primary.
Shortly after taking out nominations papers for the Seventh Ward slot, Ortiz was contacted by Penman, also a Seventh Ward resident, who was likewise intent on running against Alexander. Ortizx met with Penman, who informed her that members of the police union were intent on preventing her from capturing a position on the city council and were researching her thoroughly to find damning information that would be utilized by the union’s political action committee as the basis for “hit pieces” – mailers attacking her on the basis of her arrest record and interactions with law enforcement officers memorialized in data bases shared by local, state and national law enforcement agencies. He advised her to pull out of the race at once to avoid irreparable harm to her reputation. Shortly thereafter, a push-poll was mailed to high propensity voters in the Seventh Ward featuring suggestive questions insinuating that that Ortiz had a criminal record and inquiring whether, that being the case, the voter would be more or less likely to vote for her.
Ortiz scheduled an appointment with San Bernardino Police Chief Darren Goodman on November 18, 2023, at which she alerted him that members of his department were, on behalf of the police officers association of which they were also members, accessing the one or more of the criminal justice system data bases – NCIC, JDIC, CLETS CNI – to assemble damaging or prejudicial information relating to the opponents of the political candidates the San Bernardino Police Officers Association was backing. Goodman expressed utter skepticism about what Ortiz was telling him, inisting that the men under his command were law enforcement professionals committed to upholding the law and abiding by the protocols and regulations pertaining to accessing and utilizing the information contained in those data bases, which is deemed confidential and is therefore closely guarded. That information, under the data sharing arrangements among the departments and agencies that make up those network, is strictly limited to use in investigations and legitimate law enforcement operations. The misuse of information gleaned from the system or its diversion into the hands of those using it for illegitimate purposes, including political campaigning, would risk the department’s continuing participation in the network and future access to information critical to the department’s operations. It was unthinkable, indeed impossible, Goodman said, that what Ortiz told him had happened could have occurred. Nevertheless, Goodman said, there were what he called “trails” showing what terminal at specific agencies tied into the network had requested information from the data bases, and he would look into whether an inquiry with regard to Ortiz had been.
Two months later, in January 2024 and just as the campaign for the March primary was intensifying, Ortiz contacted the police chief again about the matter. Goodman, in explaining why he had not gotten back to Ortiz, said that he had run an audit of the data bases and that there were no trails between the department and data files relating to her in the data bases.
In the March 2024 primary, both Ortiz and Penman outdistanced Alexander, but neither polled a majority of the vote, which would have resulted in the council post being awarded to the winner outright. Instead, Penman, with 31.1 percent of the vote was consigned to a runoff in the November balloting against Ortiz, who had captured 39 percent of the March primary vote. Ortiz’s stronger showing in the primary was alarming to Penman and his supporters, among the most prominent of which were the members of the San Bernardino Police Officers Association.
Penman had been the elected city attorney in San Bernardino for 26 years, having first been elected in 1987 and reelected six times. He had, in 1994 vied unsuccessfully for San Bernardino County district attorney, a run which had widened and increased his name recognition. He had garnered, in addition to the police officers association endorsement, the support of other public employee and public safety unions. He had greater political experience and a greater depth of support throughout both the political, business and social establishment in the county seat. One factor that ran counter to that and in Ortiz’s favor was that she had Scott Beard, an established real estate professional and developer, in her corner. Beard had proven over the years to be one of the most prolific of political donors in San Bernardino and the surrounding cities. More notably still, he had championed a recall effort against all seven of the city’s council members, the mayor, the city attorney and the city clerk in 2013. He abandoned that effort against two of the council members when they ran aground themselves with regard to other legal issues and he did not follow through on trying to remove the mayor, who opted out of seeking reelection that year, rendering his recall moot. The petition gatherers came up short in getting sufficient signatures to remove the city clerk and three of the council members. The recall effort proceeded against Penman, who was then the city attorney, as well as Wendy McCammack, a councilwoman who was running for mayor that year, and Councilman Valdivia. Valdivia managed to retain his seat, with 705 of his constituents voting to keep him in office and 425 voting to remove him. McCammack, however, was ousted from office by a vote of 1,460 to 1,033. Penman, likewise, was voted out of office, by a vote of 7,730 to 5,013, ending his streak of five straight electoral victories since what was at that time his only his previous electoral defeat when he ran for district attorney in 1994.
Beard brought to the 2024 7th Ward campaign not just his wealth, but a degree of experience and political savvy that included contacts with campaign consultants and publicity professionals, the ability to put the arm on other potential donors, some of whom came across with money provided to the Ortiz campaign and a built-in animus toward Penman, based on the 2013 recall and issues that had grown out of that. For that reason as well as Ortiz’s appeal to a grass roots element in the city that stood generally in opposition to the political, social and business establishment, the 2024 Seventh Ward November runoff was a spirited contest that was by no means one-sided or predictable in its outcome.
By July, the Seventh Ward race was heating up and the electioneering was becoming ruthless. Ortiz again contacted Goodman, this time providing him with multiple specifics about what sort of information was surfacing during the campaign. The police chief once again expressed his doubts, but said he would redouble his inquiry.
On August 8, 2024, Goodman contacted Ortiz, informing her that the California Department of Justice had responded to his request that it do an audit of requests of the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System for information on individuals matching Ortiz’s identity and birthdate, and that the survey go back more than the three years Goodman had previously requested after his November 2023 contact with Ortiz. Goodman, somewhat sheepishly, told her that the more comprehensive audit had indeed verified that her name had been run and information pertaining to her retrieved from the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System (CLETS) database. Goodman apologized for having expressed doubt about the veracity of what she had told him and for the department’s invasion of her confidentiality. He identified Stephan Desrochers, a recently retired detective with department who had been the president of the SBPOA and was subsequently one of the association’s boar members, as the party who had accessed the system in retrieving her file, provided her with the date and time in March 2020 that the access had been made and told her there was going to be a criminal case put together against Desrochers, based on his illegal use of the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System. He told her he would provide her with a copy of the Department of Justice audit report.
Six days later, late in the morning on August 14, 2024, Ortiz texted Goodman, inquiring about the Department of Justice Audit Report. Goodman told her he had thought he had previously made it available to her, but she told him she had yet to see it. The police chief said he would attempt to schedule a meeting with her the following week to go over the report.
Over the course of the afternoon and into the evening, there were internal department communications between Goodman and other members of the department at the command level about the misuse of CLETS and its application for political purposes, in particular how it had, at the very least, the appearance of being related to the San Bernardino Police Officers Association’s endorsement of Penman. Sergeant Jose Loera, who had only recently before been elected president of the association, succeeding the immediate past president, Jon Plummer, was brought into the conversation, whereupon a consensus was developed that it would be best all around for the Police Officers Association to rescind its endorsement of Penman. Goodman asked Loera to meet with Ortiz as part of an effort to defuse an explosive situation. Loera agreed to do so and Goodman called Ortiz, telling her that Loera was going to call her to schedule a meeting with and for her to please make the meeting. Loera called Ortiz early the next morning, August 15, and they agreed to meet at DJ Coffee Shop, located at 265 East 40th Street in San Bernardino that afternoon. Ortiz arranged for San Bernardino Sixth Ward City Councilwoman Kimberly Calvin to attend the meeting.
By the time that meeting took place at 2:45 p.m., the Police Officers Association had made a withdrawal of its endorsement of Penman. Ortiz used her cellphone, which was placed on the table, between her and Calvin sitting on one side and Loera opposite them, to record the conversation that ensued.
On the recording, Loera can be heard telling Ortiz and Calvin that he had not been aware of Desrochers’ use of the CLETS database for political purposes until the previous day, but that he had been thoroughly brought up to speed with regard to what had happened. He owned up to what had occurred.
“I’m here to formally apologize for what they did in the past,” Loera is heard saying. “Clearly, I got a phone call yesterday. You got a phone call too. And I was just like, ‘What? Are you kidding me?’ Like, that’s just the way they told me was, ‘You need to sit down.’ I’m like. ‘What happened?’ First of all, I thought that one of my members was injured. I was like, ‘Oh, my God something happened, right?’ And they told me. I was like, ‘Oh, Hell, no, there’s no way. There’s no way.’ Because, we, during that time, clearly, [immediate past San Bernardino Police Officers Association President Jon] Plummer and I were not in charge. And something happened: that. You know that. It was the guys, the people that were in charge at that time. And that is not the way we do business – ever since Plummer and I took over. While Plummer’s not in charge anymore, I am. We said we were different, right? And when I heard that, I was like, ‘Oh, I’m gonna burn down the house right now, because that is not okay, one hundred percent, you know, and I immediately removed the endorsement of Jim Penman, canceled the forum and all that stuff, because it’s not okay. It’s not. It’s not what Plummer and I created. It’s not.”
Loera told Ortiz, “I wanted to have a conversation with you, because we’re paying, obviously, we’re paying for the mistakes of our forefathers.”
The San Bernardino Police Officers Association president then told Ortiz that she should pursue pressing criminal charges against Desrochers.
“Do what you got to do with the criminal portion of it, which I highly recommend, because it is a crime doing that,” Loera told Ortiz. “The same way you hold bad people accountable. I get it.”
Two weeks later, On August 29, 2024, Goodman met with Ortiz at the San Bernardino Police Deaprtment headquarters. Accompanying her was Scott Beard, one of Ortiz’s major political contributors.
Goodman provided both Ortiz and Beard with a print-out of the audit showing that Desrochers had run Ortiz’s name through the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System database.
Upon showing Ortiz the audit report, Goodman indicated to both Ortiz and Beard that he was seeking to have Desrochers prosecuted by the district attorney’s office for having unlawfully utilized the department’s equipment and informational databases. He indicated that he believed a criminal case could yet be made against Desrochers, even though four years and the timeline within which a crime must be prosecuted, which is specified in the penal code under what is referred to as the stature of limitations, had elapsed.
“The statute of limitations is on the date of discovery [of the crime’s commission], which is why I’m pursuing the charges on Desrochers, because it’s from the date of discovery, not from the date of which he did it, which was back in 2020,” Goodman is heard saying on the audio recording. “So, we just learned about it now. I’m going to submit to the DA now and hopefully, they will file it.”
In 2020, when she was then a resident in the city’s Third Ward,
Goodman indicated his belief that, measured by both Desrochers’ intent and what the information he obtained was used for, the offense the former Police Officers Association president had engaged in constituted a serious offense.
“It’s a minor crime to just run someone you like, you know: ‘Oh, I’m just curious where this person lives” versus ‘I want information and then I’m going to use this information to hurt this person.’ That’s a whole other level,” Goodman said. “And that’s how I feel about this, and I want to nip this in the bud and, quite frankly, want to make an example of Desrochers, whether he is retired or not, to send a message to anybody else that’s playing these games.”
Goodman told Ortiz and Beard he was in the course of preparing the case to be presented against Desrochers by compiling a report along with the evidence of how he had used the state law enforcement data base for an illegitimate purpose.
“I’m planning on going forward,” Goodman is heard saying. “The DA has already been notified – not the DA but the DA’s office – and they know this is coming and I wanted to preface it with them because of the whole concern about the statute of limitations and I said, ‘Hey, look, I think this is different because we just discovered it’ and they said, ‘Yeah, you might be right and there may actually be some exceptions because there is a lot of new law based on use of technology and use of information from criminal databases.’ So, we’re hoping that they see it that way once it gets there and they see the entirety of the report.”
A little more than two months later, in the November 2024 run-off against Penman, Ortiz registered a relatively convincing 11.5 percent victory to capture the Seventh Ward council position, capturing 3,929 votes or 55.78 percent to Penman’s 3,115 votes or 44.22 percent.
Ortiz was installed as Seventh Ward councilwoman on December 18, 2024. Three months later, more than six months after Goodman said he was going to work through the district attorney’s office to pursue a criminal case against Desrochers and which Loera encouraged Ortiz to involve herself in, no action in that regard had been taken. After reverifying that no investigation was taking place within the police department or the district attorney’s office, Ortiz on March 25, 2025, filed a $2 million claim against the City of San Bernardino, alleging that the police department, in the person of Desrochers, had illegally accessed her criminal history through the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System without lawful authorization in the 2019-2020 timeframe, doing so for political purposes and used that information to harm her political campaign by claiming she had been arrested foir domestic violence. She alleged the San Bernardino Police Officers Association endorsed her opponent, Penman, and was maintaining a file on her that was compiled to silence her and that it was brought forward years later when she became a serious candidate.
The accusations created a firestorm. Reflexively, the city categorically denied the accusation. In May 2025, the San Bernardino City Council voted unanimously, 6-to-0, with Ortiz abstaining, to reject her claim. The city doubled down, having Mayor Tran read an official statement condemning Ortiz’s filing, which was intended to serve as a precursor to a lawsuit. Tran characterized the claim as one that was “frivolous… fraudulent… filed in bad faith… and dishonest,” and which existed as “an attempt to swindle the city of San Bernardino out of $2 million” in taxpayer funds. The city then tripled down, warning Ortiz that she was risking criminal prosecution, as she had filed the claim under the penalty of perjury.
Caught in between the accusations in Ortiz’s claim and the city’s reflexive denials, Goodman and Loera were forced into the position of having to go along with the city establishment’s emerging extemporaneous narrative. Statements they made or ones attributed to them were contained in city statements which propounded that the police department unequivocally denied that its access to local, state and national criminal information data bases had ever been used for political purposes.
In the spring of 2025, Ortiz approached both the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the San Bernardino County District Attorney’s Office with regard to the CLETS issue. Unbeknownst to Ortiz at the time, the district attorneys office was then and is yet involved in a cooperative operation with the FBI through the FBI’s Office of Partner Engagement Program. An area of focus in that program are crimes perpetrated by public officials. The district attorney’s office’s liaison to the FBI is Investigator Jorge Chavez. Together with another district attorney’s office investigator, Darnell McDermott, Chavez would be assigned to the matter brought to the district attorney’s office by Ortiz relating to the misuse of the law enforcement data bases by the San Bernardino Police Department. Consequently, to avoid overlap and redundancy in the investigative process, the FBI agent heading the Office of Partner Engagement coordination with the district attorney’s office, C.J. Sanders, disengaged from the inquiry, leaving the investigation up to Chavez.
It is not clear on what date in either April or May of 2025 that Ortiz provided a flash drive containing copies of the recorded conversations with Loera and Goodman and PDFs if other documents and materials she felt would be relevant to the investigation.
On May 1, 2025 or May 3, 2025, a date which is in dispute, with Ortiz claiming the former and the district attorney’s office claiming the latter, Ortiz approached the district office, intending to supply it with the same flash drive provided to the FBI in order to assist its investigators in the investigation she had reason to believe, based on her conversation and text exchanges with Goodman in August 2024, the district attorney’s office was carrying out into the illicit CLETS accessing.
The district attorney’s office, however, did not accept the flash drive from her, instead directing her to fill out a digitized complaint form. In response to her approach to the FBI, that agency had made a show of interest in the issue[s] she had contacted it about.
The district attorney’s office did not come across as interested in her complaint, which languished for three months. On August 14, Ortiz again went to the district attorney’s office with a flash drive containing copies of the audio recordings of the conversations with Loera and Goodman, along with other materials.
More than eleven months, at that point, had elapsed since Goodman had vowed to press the district attorney’s office into “making an example of Desrochers.” No head of steam on that prosecution had formed. There had been no enthusiasm for carrying out the investigation to formulate the report that would serve as the basis of any charges that were to be filed, indeed to the point that there had been no investigation whatsoever.
When McDermott and Chavez got around, a few days after Ortiz had dropped the flash drive off, to listening to the recordings, it was not Loera’s and Goodman’s admissions that a member or members of their department had violated the law by utilizing information complied exclusively for use in the context of criminal justice operations for use in a political campaign that interested them. Instead, they latched onto the lack, or what they took as the lack, of any overt verbal disclosure by Ortiz that she was recording the conversations. The nature of the crime McDermott and Chavez were ostensibly investigating, transmogrified into and investigation not of Desrochers but of Ortiz. From that point on, any pretext of getting to the bottom of the San Bernardino Police Department’s misuse of the assets entrusted to it for law enforcement purposes was over. If the district attorney’s office was ever looking at Ortiz as a victim whose…

During The Defense’s Case-In-Chief In People V. Ortiz Prosecutor Seeks To Assassinate The Credibility Of Councilwoman’s Witnesses

The trial of San Bernardino City Councilwoman Treasure Ortiz on charges that she recorded statements made by San Bernardino’s police chief and the president of the police officers’ union less than three months before she was elected to the city council 2024 continued into its second week on Monday and for the three days thereafter.
By late Thursday afternoon, the defense had rested and the prosecution had concluded its closing statements. The defense had run through the lion’s share of its closing statement when the clock ran down. The jury is set to hear the conclusion of that presentation next Wednesday, September 9, followed by the prosecution’s rebuttal. At that time the seven-woman, five man panel will move into closed door deliberations to hash out among themselves whether they are to accept the prosecution’s theory of guilt or the defense’s assertion of innocence.
Last week, on Monday, August 24, Deputy District Attorney Carol DiCesare made his opening statement, followed by that of Ortiz’s attorney, Peter Schlueter. Thereafter, for the remainder of August 24, Tuesday August 25, Wednesday August 26 and the morning of August 27, DiCesare put on his case-in-chief against Ortiz. He did so by calling, first, San Bernardino Police Chief Darren Goodman to the witness stand, followed by San Bernardino Police Sergeant Jose Loera, who since 2024 has been the president of the San Bernardino Police Officers Association, followed by District Attorney’s Office Investigator Darnel McDermott.
The testimony elicited by DiCesare from Goodman, Loera and McDermott on direct and then re-direct examination established the events that had proceeded from Goodman having been contacted by Ortiz in November 2023 about assistance members of the police department were lending to the electoral effort of Ortiz’s opponent in the 2024 race, Jim Penman. According to Goodman’s testimony, he downplayed or dismissed those accusations initially and for months thereafter before refocusing on them in July and August of 2024, at which point he called upon Loera to meet with Ortiz to discuss those issues, and that Ortiz, in the company of then-San Bernardino Councilwoman Kimberly Calvin, met with Loera at the DJ Coffee Shop on 40th Street in San Bernardino on August 15, 2024 and, accompanied by San Bernardino-based developer Scott Beard, met with Goodman in a conference room at San Bernardino Police Department headquarters on August 29, 2024. Ortiz recorded those conversations, and the recordings, copies of which Ortiz had provided to McDermott in August 2025, were played for jury.
In their testimony, Goodman and Loera maintained that Ortiz had not informed them that she was recording the conversations and did not obtain from them consent to record the conversations. In his direct examination of Goodman and Loera, DiCesare avoiding exploring what the substance of the discussions were, utilizing the recording to establish the prosecution’s contention that Ortiz had twice violated Penal Code Section 632, a misdemeanor, by violating Goodman and Loera’s privacy in capturing their utterances without their knowledge or permission. McDermott testified that Ortiz had stated to him and another district attorney’s office investigator, Jorge Chavez, that she had informed the police chief and union president she was recording them when she, in fact had not.
Goodman, Loera and McDermott testified that the issue which Ortiz had originally approached Goodman about, wrongdoing on the part of a member or members of the police department, had been thoroughly investigated and it was determined that there was not substance to those allegations.
Efforts by Schlueter during his cross examination of Goodman, Loera and McDermott to bring focus to that allegation of wrongdoing, pertaining to the unauthorized and illegal of a criminal history and investigative data base or data bases to which the police department had access by Steve Desrochers, a former detective with the department who had once been the president of the San Bernardino Police Officers Association, to obtain information that was used in formulating political hit pieces attacking Ortiz during the 2024 campaign season, were frustrated by objections to those questions by DiCesare, which were sustained by Judge Melissa Rodriquez, who is presiding over the trial. In this way, Schlueter was unable to commend the jury’s attention, as was a primary objective in his defense of Ortiz, to the consideration that during their August 15, 2024 and August 29, 2024 exchanges with the Ortiz, they had taken a position diametrically opposite to what they are maintaining now, namely that Desrochers had made illegal use of restricted law enforcement agency network data bases, most pointedly and specifically the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System, known by its acronym CLETS.
After the prosecution rested Thursday morning August 27, Schlueter called the first defense witness
On Monday morning, August 31, Schlueter was purposed to pick up where he had left off with Calvin on the previous Thursday. Before that could occur, however, two issues, one of which had been ominously hanging over the proceedings since the previous Thursday, had to be dealt with.
On August 27, Juror 11 had informed a court bailiff that another of the jurors, Juror 5, had made remarks in which she appeared to be expressing an opinion about the credibility and implication of certain evidence or testimony that had been presented thus far. Over the weekend, both the prosecution and the defense found themselves faced with a shake-up on the jury hearing the case or even the potential of a mistrial be declared if there was a determination that misconduct by one or more jurors had tainted the entire panel. The same day, Schlueter, without the jury present, gave notice that he wanted to call Jim Erwin, who was the president of the sheriff’s deputies union more than two decade ago and who is now involved as a political consultant, carrying out electioneering work for various elected officials or candidates for public office. Schlueter said that Erwin could testify about a statement that Goodman had made after Ortiz had filed a claim for damages against the city based on the use of the information gleaned from the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System to the effect that Ortiz would regret it or that things would not go well for her if she followed through with a lawsuit based on the allegations in the claim. Judge Rodriguez ordered Erwin to appear in court on Monday morning, August 31 to be subjected to questioning prior to the court’s determination as to whether the jury should hear his testimony.
With the remainder of the jury excluded from the courtroom and waiting in the hallway on Floor 6 of the courthouse, first Juror 11 and then Juror 5, separately, were brought into the courtroom to be questioned by Judge Rodriguez. Juror 11 said that beginning on Wednesday August 26, Juror 5, who is seated during court proceedings in the jury box directly behind her, was leaning forward while she was taking notes about ongoing testimony and, in her words, “mumbling.” Most of the words mumbled by Juror 5 were indistinct, Juror 11, said, but at certain turns in the questioning of District Attorney’s Office Investigator Darnel McDermott and Scott Beard, Juror 11 said, Juror 5’s mouthings were discernible. According to Juror 11, one such pronouncement by Juror 5 came in the aftermath of the playing of the passage in the portion of the August 15, 2024 recording wherein Ortiz says, “Just so we make sure, everything we say to each other, so whatever we talk about, you know what I say, I know what you say.” According to Juror Number 11, while Schlueter was grilling McDermott over how Detective Loera had responded to Ortiz and whether that constituted granting consent to be recorded, Juror Number 5 while leaning forward said “He said he was in.” Juror 11 was somewhat less precise with regard to what other audible statements Juror 5 had made, but indicated one such incident occurred during Beard’s testimony.
Judge Rodriguez ascertained from Juror 11 that Juror 5 was not openly discussing the testimony with other jurors, and seemed to arrive at the conclusion that Juror 5 was “processing” the testimony she was hearing as she was jotting down notes about what was being said in her juror’s notebook. After getting Juror 11’s assurance that despite what she had heard Juror 5 say she would be able to put that to the side and disregard those comments such that they would not impact her ability to fairly weigh and consider the evidence and testimony presented at trial, the judge sent Juror 11 out into the hallway and had Juror 5 ushered into the courtroom.
Judge Rodriguez questioned Juror 5, concentrating on a “comment’ or “comments” which “appear to have been made when the recording was played.” In response to Judge Rodriguez’s question pertaining to whether “Sergeant Loera’s said he was in,” the juror acknowledged she “wrote” something but that “If I did say something out loud, I don’t remember.”
Judge Rodriguez reminded Juror 5 that all of the jurors are not to “verbalize nor express or form any opinions until the attorneys make their closing arguments. We ask that our jurors not form opinions or express preconceived notions about what the evidence tends to show.” Juror 5 said she remained able to consider all of the evidence to be presented and would be able to make a determination untainted by premature judgment. Judge Rodriguez told her, “Make sure you are going to keep an open mind throughout all of the testimony.”
After Juror 5 left the courtroom to return to the hallway, DiCesare made remarks indicating he favored removing Juror 5 from the panel sitting in judgment of Ortiz. Schlueter did not go on the record one way or the other. Judge Rodriguez said, “I am inclined at this point to leave her [in place].”
DiCesare reacted strongly to Schlueter’s effort to elicit testimony from Erwin that suggested Goodman had some built-in animus toward Ortiz. He noted that Schlueter had been inexact about what Erwin had allegedly heard Goodman say, which was represented variously as that Ortiz “would regret it” or things “would not go well” for her. “The defense I manufacturing inconsistencies,” he charged.
More to the point, DiCesare argued, the defense was engaging in “collateral impeachment” of the police chief.
“This, essentially, is dealing with the CLETS [California Law Enforcement Telecommunications system] abuse allegation,” DiCesare said, after having noted Judge Rodriguez had banned testimony and evidence pertaining to that issue in her rulings on the motions in limine prior to the trail. “Courts have extreme latitude to exclude impeachment on parallel matters.”
Judge Rodriquez ruled against Schleuter calling Erwin as a defense witness.
Those issues settled outside the jury’s presence, the bailiff brought the panel, which yet included both jurors 5 and 11, back into the courtroom and testimony, with Calvin on the witness stand, recommenced.
Utilizing photos of the section of DJ Coffee Shop in which Ortiz, Loera and Calvin had been seated, Schlueter brought forth one of a handful of what were perhaps in isolation minor discrepancies or differences in Loera’s recollection of the meeting and its circumstance but which otherwise, collectively, might undercut his contention and that of the prosecution that Ortiz ambushed him by recording their conversation without his informed consent. Whereas Loera’s testimony was that the trio had been seated in a booth closest to the front of the restaurant, Calvin placed them “in the very last booth” in that section. Moreover, according to Calvin, all five of the booths in that side enclave of the eatery had been occupied, whereas Loera had said three of them were empty. The photos displayed showed the relatively close quarters the three were in, with a relatively narrow aisle between the booths on either side, which emphasized how readily a nearby conversation could be listened into.
Despite the different recollection with regard to which booth they were seated in, all three – Loera, Calvin and Ortiz – agreed in their testimony that Loera was sitting looking toward the back of the restaurant with his back to the entrance.
Schlueter asked Calvin if from where she was sitting, she could hear the conversations of those sitting in the nearby booths. Calvin said she could.
To Schlueter’s inquiry with regard to whether Ortiz verbally informed Loera about her recording of the conversation, which was augmented with the playing of that portion of the recording made just as Calvin was approaching the table where Ortiz and Loera were already seated and Calvin seated herself on the side of the booth beside Ortiz, Calvin testified that Ortiz had, after a fashion, given indication that recording was taking place. On that portion of the recording Schlueter played, Ortiz can be heard announcing Calvin’s arrival to Loera, who could not see the councilwoman coming up behind him after she had come into DJ’s front entrance. As Ortiz slides to the side to allow Calvin to sit down, Ortiz can be heard saying on the recording, “Just so we make sure, everything we say to each other, so whatever we talk about, you know what I say, I know what you say.”
“What was she talking about?” Schlueter asked.
“Objection,” DiCesare said.
“Sustained,” Judge Rodriquez ruled.
“Move to strike,” DiCesare motioned. The judge acceded to the request.
Schlueter went at it from a variant angle.
“Simultaneously was she placing her cellphone face up with her hand on the bottom?” he asked.
“She did,” Calvin responded.
Schlueter asked what was visible on the screen of the phone.
“I saw there was a recording button, lines were moving across, indicating it was recording,” Calvin said.
“Did Sergeant Loera say he intended this conversation not to be overheard?” Schlueter asked.
DiCesare’s objection was sustained by Judge Rodriguez.
“During anytime during the conversation you overhead with Sergeant Loera did he…”
“Objection, hearsay, calls for speculation,” DiCesare protested before the question wa completed.
“Sustained,” said Judge Rodriguez.
“At any time did Sergeant Loera indicate to Dr. Ortiz he did not want the conversation recorded?” Schlueter asked.
Judge Rodriguez sustained DiCesare’s objection and his motion to have the question stricken.
“At any time did Sergeant Leora say anything about whether the conversation should not be recorded?” Schlueter asked.
Judge Rodriguez sustained DiCesare’s objection.
“At any time from the time you got there did Sergeant Loera ask you to leave?” Schlueter asked.
“Objection,” DiCesare promulgated.
“Overruled,” responded Judge Rodriguez.
“No, he did not,” said Calvin.
When Schlueter tried to explore whether during the August 15, 2024 conversation, Loera, in his capacity as association president, was trying to express a commitment to transparency in his meeting with Ortiz, his question was met with an objection from DiCesare that was sustained.
Despite the different recollection with regard to which booth they were seated in, all three – Loera, Calvin and Ortiz – agreed in their testimony that Loera was sitting looking toward the back of the restaurant with his back to the entrance.
Calvin went on to say during her testimony that Ortiz held her phone up and said, “Just so we make sure, everything we say to each other, so whatever we talk about, you know what I say, I know what you say,” and Loera looked at Ortiz’s cellphone in what Calvin interpreted as the sergeant’s recognition that he was being recorded, according to the former council member.
In September 2025, when San Bernardino County District Attorney investigators Darnel McDermott and Jorge Chavez questioned Calvin about the August 15, 2024 meeting with Loera, she went through with them how Ortiz had deliberately and openly placed her cellphone on the table.
DiCesare genially and gently at first and then with greater intensity and aggressiveness bordering on hostility cross-examined Calvin, seeking to establish that she was an unreliable witness because of her friendship and identification with Ortiz.
DiCesare began by asking Calvin about her political career, which confined itself to a single term representing San Bernardino’s Sixth Ward on the city council from December 2020 until December 2024. DiCesare was able to get Calvin to freely state that both she and Ortiz had “a strong opinion about the issues [they have] been involved in” and that a factor that brought them together was that they were “not involved in the corruption” that marred the political process in San Bernardino.
In direct response to DiCesare’s questions, Calvin said that she met Ortiz in 2019 and that Ortiz had worked as an unpaid volunteer on Calvin’s 2020 6th Ward campaign walking precincts – in Di Cesare’s words, “knocking on doors” and having “spoke[n] to voters.”
DiCesare brought out that Ortiz later went to work as a grant writer and human resources director for Calvin’s nonprofit Akoma Community Center, an educational program for minority students, officially described in the organization’s charter as “historically excluded youth, families, and communities.” Calvin testified that Ortiz, who is now a professor at Cal State San Bernardino, left the employ of Akoma in January 2025.
DiCesare, leaning further into establishing a political connection explored their relationship during the 2024 electoral cycle, when Ortiz was seeking election to the 7th Ward council position and Calvin was running for reelection in the 7th Ward. Calvin, in response to DiCesare, acknowledged they had supported each other’s candidacy, though she said they were not running as a slate. She admitted that they had practically endorsed each other, although perhaps no officially, as best as she could recall. When DiCesare showed her some campaign literature that had been dredged up but which was not displayed to the jury or those in the gallery, Calvin acknowledged that their endorsement of each other that year had been official. To DiCesare’s inquiry, she responded that she and Ortiz had made a joint appearance on a KCAA Radio show in which they had discussed the issues in the election and their respective campaigns. DiCeare asked if they were debating each other duing the radio program. Calvin said they were not.
“During your 2024 campaign, did you and the defendant appear at multiple campaign events together?” DiCesare asked.
“I believe so,” said Calvin.
DiCesare pushed as far as he could along the tangent relating to politics and the alliance between Ortiz and Calvin, asking Calvin if “in 2020 [you] ran against a candidate who was endorsed by the [San Bernardino] Police Officers Association?”
Calvin said she had.
DiCesare then pushed into the province of whether Ortiz had made an explicit disclosure of her recording of the conversation with Loera and had obtained his consent to do so.
In her September 2025 interview with investigators McDermott and Chavez, DiCesare asked, had Calvin used variations on the term “record,” in describing how Ortiz informed Loera at the August 15, 2024 meeting, such as “I’m recording this,” or “We’re on the record,” or the like. Calvin acknowledged that at the September 2025 interview with McDermott and Chavez, she said Ortiz had not specifically used record or any of its variants. DiCesare then utilized that acknowledgment to cast shade on Calvin’s answers to Schlueter during direct examination when she had left the impression that Ortiz had disclosed the recording was taking place and had secured permission to continue with the recording.
DiCesare asked Calvin if Loera had knowingly and willingly been recorded during the August 15, 2024 meeting at DJ Coffee Shop.
“I interpreted it as a ‘yes,’” Calvin said.
“She never verbally said, ‘Can I record you,’ correct?” DiCesare said.
“Verbally, no,” Calvin said.
After establishing that Calvin and Ortiz had travelled to the coffee shop separately, DiCesare half stated/half asked, “You weren’t there when defendant arrived at the restaurant?”
Calvin said she was not there.
DiCesare then maneuvered to attempt to show that Calvin did not have sufficient context to determine what Ortiz’s reference was when she said, “Just so we make sure everything we say to each other. So, so that whatever we talk about, you know what I say, I know what you said.”
“You were not there for first words spoken at the table,” DiCesare said.
Calvin acknowledged that she was not there when Ortiz and Loera began their exchange,
“You don’t know what the defendant did with her phone before you got there,” DiCesare said.
Calvin acknowledged that was the case.
DiCesare then moved into the arena of what Calvin was present to witness at the table where the meeting took place and one of the two recorded conversations that are at the heart of the criminal case against Ortiz.
DiCesare asked Calvin if when she was questioned by McDermott and Chavez in September 2025 she had said that Loera looked up as she was walking up to the booth at the DJ Coffee Shop and Ortiz said, “I invited Councilwoman Calvin.”
Calvin could not recall. DiCesare invited her to look at the transcript of her recorded interview with McDermott and Chavez to refresh her memory. When Calvin looked over the transcript, she agreed that she had had said Loera looked up as she arrived at the table.
Without being explicit about it, what DiCesare seemed to be intent on accomplishing with that line of questioning was to suggest to the jury that Loera had not given acknowledgment of being informed that the recording was ongoing nor his consent, because at the moment Ortiz was displaying her phone with the recording mechanism actuated as she uttered “Just so we make sure everything we say to each other, so that whatever we talk about, you know what I say, I know what you say,” Loera was not looking at Ortiz’s cellphone but rather at Calvin.
DiCesare pressed Calvin on whether Ortiz verbalized a request to record Loera and if she was verbally explicit in informing him that she was recording. Calvin said, “It was implied. I took it as a request from where the phone was and how that statement was made.”
Calvin, picking up on the consideration that as one of the three participants in the conversation at DJ Coffee Shop, she was herself due a warning from Ortiz that she was being recorded and had a choice to decline to speak on the record, if she wished, indicated she understood that her statements and those of Loera were being recorded by Ortiz as a consequence of Ortiz displaying the phone and stating that her intent was for all of them to know what each of them was saying. Calvin said that the conversation was being recorded was demonstrated by “her actions so we were able to see the phone, and we each had the opportunity to say no.”
DiCesare focused on another aspect of Calvin’s September 2025 statements to McDermott and Chavez. DiCesare made an issue of Calvin having told McDerrmott that she or perhaps all three of them present at the August 15, 2024 meeting had breakfast, despite it being 2:45 in the afternoon. Calvin in her testimony suggested she did have breakfast but recalled that Loera had a salad and Ortiz had a sandwich and soup. Later in his re-cross examination of Calvin, DiCesare would return to the issue of Calvin eating lunch in the middle of the afternoon.
Seeking to convey to the jury that Calvin was covering for her friend and associate, DiCesare asked Calvin if she had discussed her testimony, in particular what had occurred at the August 15, 2024 meeting, with Ortiz and how many times she had done so. Calvin acknowledged having potentially spoken to Ortiz about the meeting “more than once” but rejected DiCesare’s suggestion that they discussed the matter ten times, saying that it was more likely the subject of the meeting had come of “less than five times, but possibly that many. We discussed it once, maybe twice, but it wasn’t part of the daily conversation.”
DiCesare likewise sought to suggest through his questioning that Calvin was coloring her testimony in favor of her friend and one-time associate and that she had hedged the truth when she was interviewed by McDermott and Chavez.
“Did you talk to the defendant about the pending interview [with McDermott and Chavez]?” DiCesare asked.
“Yes, a couple times,” Calvin responded.
At various times during the trial, DiCesare has demonstrated that he is acutely conscious that the case against Ortiz for the unlawful recording of Loera is particularly weak vis-à-vis the case against Ortiz for the unlawful recording of Goodman due to multiple factors. Those include:
• That it took place in a public and crowded location;
• That it involved a citizen reporting criminal activity to a police officer;
• That the recording includes a statement by Ortiz – “Just so we make sure everything we say to each other, so that whatever we talk about, you know what I say, I know what you say.” – which arguably could be construed as an alert to Loera that the conversation was being recorded;
• That the recording contains a barely audible response to Ortiz, which upon amplification sounds like Loera uttering, “I’m in.”;
• That both Calvin and Ortiz testified that as Ortiz said, “Just so we make sure everything we say to each other, so that whatever we talk about, you know what I say, I know what you say,” Ortiz was showing her cellphone with the recording mechanism activated to Loera.
For that reason, DiCesare’s need to discredit Calvin is acute.
As he was re-cross examining Calvin at what would in all likelihood be his last opportunity to damage her credibility, DiCesare, took a major risk on a gambit aimed at undercutting Calvin in way that would resonate with the jury. Five months previously, in April 2026, Calvin had gone before the San Bernardino City Council, which was pursuing its own action against Ortiz by voting a measure of censure against her. At that hearing, Calvin had stood up for Ortiz, asserting that the censure was based on falsehoods and erroneous assumptions, including that the criminal charges lodged against her were true. At the April meeting, Calvin stated that she knew the criminal charges, or at least one of them, to be invalid because she had been at the August 15, 2024 meeting with Ortiz and Loera and she had personally witnessed Ortiz give Loera warning that she was recording the meeting.
For DiCesare, bringing up Calvin’s statement in support of Ortiz at the April 2026 city council meeting was, at best, a 50/50 proposition. It contained, he believed, a major inconsistency. At the same time, at face value, it stood as a strong testimonial on behalf of Ortiz, one that might shore Ortiz up rather than take her down. Ultimately, DiCesare gambled, and like Admiral David Farragut at the Battle of Mobile Bay, chose to damn the torpedoes to go right into the tumult and tumble, chaos, cacophony and confusion, smoke and smash of battle to deliver his best shot.
Was it not true, DiCesare asked Calvin, that during a San Bernardino City Council meeting/hearing in April of this year she had publicly stated that Loera knew the August 15, 2024 conversation she had been a part of with Ortiz at DJ Coffeeshop was being recorded?
Indeed, that is what she had publicly stated, Calvin acknowledged. DiCesare then moved in for the kill shot, fixating on Calvin having characterized the meeting – which had kicked off at 2:45 p.m., well beyond the lunch hour, and lasted for nearly an hour and twenty minutes – as a breakfast meeting.
The following day, Tuesday, September 1, at 10:36 a.m., Ortiz took the stand.
Schlueter, through a series of easy questions gently lobbed at his client, sought to at once humanize her and establish her as someone dedicated to being a forthright and conscientious elected official who found herself in a cutthroat environment inhabited by dishonest politicians and both corrupt and lazy governmental employees, extending to the police officers she encountered when she sought to bring the illegal activity she had encountered, some of which consisted of the brutal campaign tactics employed by the police officers’ association against her when she ran against the association’s endorsed candidate.
To Schlueter’s questions, she related that she had grown up in Big Bear, attended and graduated from Big Bear High School and had gotten a bachelor’s degree in business administration from Cal State University San Bernardino, a maser’s degree in public administration from Cal State San Bernardino and a doctorate in public administration from the University of California, Irvine.
“What brought you into politics? Schlueter asked.
“I live in a very corrupt city,” Ortiz responded.
She related that she was unsuccessful in her run to represent San Brnrdino’s Third Ward in 2019 as well as in her second political race for San Bernardino mayor in 2022.
She grew civically active, Ortiz said.
“I was attending almost every city council meeting, pulling records, looking at ways of rooting out corruption and misdeeds, getting community updates, attending rallies and getting feedback,” she said.
In this way, she said, she cultivated a reputation as a “political watchdog,” prior to her successful run for 7th Ward councilwoman in 2024.
She indicated she had met Scott Beard in 2020, but that he had not supported her when she ran for city council representing the 3rd Ward in 2019 and he did not back her in the 2022 race for mayor.
She acknowledged that he had been a major donor to her 2024 campaign, having provided her with the maximum amount of money, $4,900, a candidate is allowed to receive from a single donor under the city’s campaign donation limitation ordinance. She said she had been provided with campaign funding by Beard’s wife. She said she was less sure about donations made to her by the Beards’ daughter.

“I know his whole family,” Ortiz said. “She [the Beards’ daughter] may well have [donated to her campaign].”

“As a sitting council member, have you ever voted on any of Scott Beard’s developments?” Schlueter asked.
“I have not,” Ortiz said. “I would not be allowed to. There is a state law that anything six months before or six months after [receiving money from a donor] you have to recuse yourself.”
To Schlueter’s inquiry about Beard’s status as an influential element of the San Bernrdino community and his involvement in local politics, Ortiz said, “He has been involved longer than I have been alive.” 
Schlueter then moved into an inquiry relating, by extension, to the use of the law enforcement data base in the 2024 election campaign. He did not get much traction.
“Eventually, you had some concerns about the political process, dirty politicians lying about each other,” Schlueter said. Schlueter then referenced information taken from law enforcement data bases/
“Is that unlawful from your point of view?” he asked.
“Objection,” DiCesare said.
“Sustained,” said Judge Rodriguez.
“Wen did you begin to believe that was something that needed to be reported to the police?” Schuester asked.
“In November of 2023,” Ortiz responded.
“Who did you report it to?” Schluester asked.
“Chief Darren Goodman,” Ortiz said.
Ortiz said she had a familiarity with who Goodman, who had been hired as police chief in 2022, was.
Ortiz said a meeting between the two of them was arranged for November 18, 2023.
“At the meeting you discussed issues relating to state assets being used for political purposes?” Schueter asked.
“That’s correct,” Ortiz responded.
“Was it your understanding that was a criminal act?” Schlueter asked. 
“Yes,” Ortiz said. H
Ortiz said Goodman indicated to her that if the law enforcement data base had indeed been utilized for political purposes that would be a criminal act.
“During that discussion, did Chief Goodman inform you that he would investigate it?” Schlueter asked. “Yes,” Ortiz said.
“Did you have some specifics about who had done this illegal act?” Schlueter asked.
“I had made references, but I didn’t provide any names,” Ortiz said.  
“At the November 18 discussion, did he promise you anything…” Schluester began.
DiCesare sounded an objection.
“Sustained, said Judge Rodriguez.
“Did you get a feeling Chief Goodman appreciated the gravity of the accusations you were making?” Schuester asked.
“Yes,” said Ortiz. “The next day he said he wanted to follow up on what I had said.”
Ortiz finished first in the March 2024 primary election, qualifying to compete in the November 2024 run-off. Ultimately, Ortiz prevailed in that contest and was sworn into office on December 18, 2024.
Before that occurred, however, she had to compete against the second-place finisher in the March 2023 Primary race for the 7th Ward position, former City Attorney Jim Penman, who had originally captured the endorsement of the San Bernardino Police Association.
“Was it your belief that the misconduct you reported was affecting your campaign,” Schlueter asked.
“Objection,” DiCesare interjected.
“Overruled,” said Judge Rodriguez.
“Absolutely,” said Ortiz.
“Is that something you informed Chief Goodman of?” Schlueter asked.
Ortiz testified that she was given no substantive information or feedback about what she had personally related to Goodman on November 18, 2023 and had called the department again in January 2024, but as far as she could tell the investigation was languishing. In July 2024, as the serious electioneering relating to the November election was intensifying, Ortiz renewed eight-months dormant contact she had with Goodman pertaining to the use of the law enforcement data bank in a political context and had a contact from him on August 7 of that year.
When Schlueter asked about whether Scott Beard had become involved in her inquiries about the misuse of the law enforcement data bank, Judge Rodriguez sustained Dicesare’s objection.
“Do you know if Scott Beard had contacted Chief Goodman?” Schlueter asked.
“Objection, relevance,” said DiCesare.
Sustained,” said Judge Rodriguez.
“Do you know why Chief Goodman had not contacted you between January and July?” Schlueter asked.
Objection, speculation,” inveighed DiCesare.
Judge Rodriguez sustained the objection.
“Was there some discussion about if San the San Bernardino Police Department did not investigate, the allegations would be brought to another agency?”
“Objection,” said DiCesare.
“Sustained,” said Judge Rodriguez.
“Did you have in mind the allegations being taken to another agency?” Schlueter asked.
Judge Rodriguez overruled DiCesare’s objection.
“Yes,” said Ortiz.
“Why?” asked Schlueter.
“I was not getting direct answers from the chief of police,” Ortiz said.
“Objection,” said DiCesare.
“Sustained,” said Judge Rodriguez.
“What was the agency?” Schlueter asked.
“The San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department,” Ortiz said.
Schlueter encountered objections when he sought to question Ortiz about the text exchanges she had relating to the investigation into Desrochers’s action in late July and early August 2024.
Schlueter’s efforts to obtain from Ortiz an account of how Goodman in early August 2024 had confirmed that Desrochers had accessed the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System to obtain information about her were met by sustained objections.
Schlueter was able to pose questions to Ortiz about Goodman asking her to meet with Loera so they could speak about the subject matter Ortiz had raised with the police chief previously without them being disallowed by the prosecutor’s objection, although exactly what those issues were was not described in the question. Schlueter also managed to get on the record, over objections that DiCesare launched but which Judge Rodriguez overruled, that Loera did not object to meeting with Ortiz at DJ Coffee Shop, in public, despite the police officers’ association having an office where the meeting could have been held outside the view and earshot of the public at large. Ortiz testified that she had chosen the place and time of the meeting with Loera. Ortiz also said that she had chosen the location and time of the meeting with Loera. “I understand Ms. Calvin was also present,” said Schlueter. “Who made that decision?”
“I did, Ortiz responded. “I asked her to be a witness for me.”
“What was the reason you wanted Councilwoman Calvin there?” Schlueter asked.
“I felt threatened being alone with Sergeant Loera…” Ortiz began.
“Objection,” DiCesare interrupted.
“Sustained, said Judge Rodriguez.
“Threatened,” said Schlueter. “What do you mean by that?”
Judge Rodriguez sustained DiCesare’s objection to the question.
“Did Ms. Calvin want to have a discussion with Sergeant Loera?” Schlueter asked.
“Objection,” said DiCesare.
“Sustained,” said Judge Rodriguez.
“You decided to record the conversation with Sergeant Loera,” said Schlueter, who then asked why Ortiz had done so.
“To be absolutely sure of what he said,” Ortiz said. “This was an important conversation for me.” Ortiz said, explaining she needed some form of documentation available.
Schlueter asked his client why she felt that was necessary.
When Ortiz said because of the history of the department abusing the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System and its investigative resources for political purposes, DiCesare objected and Judge Rodriguez sustained the objection.
Schlueter asked Ortiz if she apprised Loera that she was recording the conversation.
Ortiz said that she had, having explained that she was doing so when she laid the phone on the table and said, “Just so we make sure everything we say to each other, so that whatever we talk about, you know what I say, I know what you say.”
Schlueter covered the same ground with regard to whether she had informed Goodman that she was recording their conversation at the police station on August 29, 2024.
“Absolutely,” Ortiz said, explaining how she had displayed her cellphone to Goodman as she was laying it out on the table in the conference room where they were meeting, such that the recording display on the cellphone’s screen was visible and apparent.
When Schlueter questioned Ortiz about the October 2025 meeting she had with San Bernardino County District Attorney Investigator Darnel McDermott at which McDermott seized her cellphone when she had agreed to meet him, she indicated she had gone to that meeting intending to expound upon the issues she had initially raised in her contact with Goodman in November 2023 and which were confirmed in her contact with Goodman in August 2024 when he made available to her the printout of the audit of the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System runs that showed her name had been run through that system by Detective Desrochers to obtain information relating to her in the restricted data banks shared by law enforcement agencies as well as to discuss the admissions with regard to that illegal activity made by Loera during their August 15, 2024 conversation and Chief Goodman during their meeting on August 29, 2024. Instead, McDermott’s focus was not on the criminal activity she had reported but rather on her having recorded Loera and Goodman. McDermott asked how she had informed Goodman that he was being recorded. Ortiz replicated the gesture she had used at the meeting with Goodman. It was after she willingly showed McDermott her cellphone’s recording mechanism that McDermott seized her phone, she testified.
Schlueter and Ortiz had the option of not having Ortiz take the stand to testify in her own defense. In general, statistically, many criminal defendants opt out of testifying, as testifying under direct examination by the accused’s defense counsel necessarily subjects the defendant to cross examination by the prosecutor.
In this way, DiCesare had an open opportunity to assail Ortiz with a litany of questions intended to trip her up or force her into an admission or contradiction that would disadvantage her and Schlueter, damaging her reputation and credibility with the jury.
Part of DiCesare’s approach in this regard was to play a portion of the recording of the conversation with Loera. Ortiz began that recording before she was in Loera’s presence, while she was in her car coming into the DJ Coffee Shop. Having the jury dwell on this element of the recording, DiCesare hoped, would illustrate, that Ortiz had not properly obtained Loera’s consent before the recording was made. After the initial part of the recording is played to the point where Ortiz is heard greeting Loera while they are yet in the parking lot, DiCesare half asked/half stated, “You never turn on the recording in Loera’s presence?” DiCesare asked.
“I did not,” Ortiz acknowledged.
At one point, DiCesare sought to parse with Ortiz the statement “Just so we make sure everything we say to each other, so that whatever we talk about, you know what I say, I know what you say.”
Zeroing in on the stated assurance that both parties would know what his/her counterpart had said, DiCesare asked Ortiz if she had provided Loera a copy of the recording. She said she had not.
DiCesare also played that portion of the recording toward its end, after Loera has departed from the table and the coffee shop, with Ortiz and Calvin remaining at the booth. The prosecutor’s intent there appeared to be to further emphasize that once the exchange/meeting with Loera was finished, she had not deactivated her phone’s recording device, an indication, DiCesare was attempting to suggest without saying so directly, that Ortiz had clandestinely recorded the conversation. After Loera had taken his leave, Calvin is heard saying, “Pressure, pressure,” to which Ortiz remarks, “Pressure.”
DiCesare attempted to turn that to the prosecution’s advantage. Having already suggested to the jury and in his direct examination of Loera when he testified that Ortiz had victimized him by recording his statement surreptitiously and without his consent, DiCesare sought to further the impression of her status as a victimizer by implying that Ortiz had victimized Loera again by bullying him with the presence of Calvin at the meeting.
“You selected  a city councilwoman [to accompany you to] that meeting,” DiCesare said. “Kim Calvin was a sitting council member. Sergeant Loera was a city employee. He was a union leader [who must deal with members of the city council in the collective bargaining process related to reaching employment contract agreements which set police officers’ salary and benefit levels]. She was there to assert pressure.”
“She was not,” Ortiz responded, pointing out, “He called the meeting.”
Outmaneuvered, DiCesare objected, calling for the last part of Ortiz’s answer to be stricken from the record.
DiCesare then pursued with Ortiz how she had not, he suggested, made a straightforward announcement that she was recording the conversation but rather couched it in the statement, “Just so we make sure everything we say to each other, so that whatever we talk about, you know what I say, I know what you say.”
He half-asked half-stated, “You didn’t use the word ‘record.’ You never said ‘recording.’”
Ortiz acknowledged that was the case.
DiCesare asked her why.
“I wanted to be polite,” she said.
DiCesare expressed incredulity at that response, pointing out that in her role as a city official and self-appointed political watchdog, she never hesitated to be blunt or plainspoken.
He pressed her, stating she had been highly critical of others.
Ortiz pointed out that since the meeting with Loera, she had been elected to public office. “I have a fiduciary responsibility to the city,” she said
“To call out corruption,” Dicesare parried.
“The way I see it, yes,” Ortiz said.
“You have called several politicians corrupt. You did that. You spoke truth to power, in your mind.
In fact, DiCesare said, Ortiz had once told a city official, “Your heart is black. You are killing us.”
“Yes,” Ortiz said, before Schlueter expostulated “Objection.”
“Sustained,” Judge Rodriguez said, tempering the prosecutor’s antagonism. DiCesare went at it a different way. He provided Ortiz with a transcript of the recording, and then vectored her attention to a passage in which she
“Sustained,” Judge Rodriguez said, tempering the prosecutor’s antagonism. DiCesare went at it a different way. He provided Ortiz with a transcript of the recording, and then vectored her attention to a passage in which she told Loera that the union members’ abuse of CLETS had occurred under his watch and the his organization was made of “the most horrific people.” When being critical of those she has differences with, DiCesare said, “You have no problem being impolite.
Returning to why she had used the language she had in disclosing she was going to record their conversation, Ortiz asserted, “I said it in a way that sounded more polite,” explaining she wanted to get off on the right foot with Loera and have a productive exhange.
DiCesare was not willing to let the issue die or an opportunity to skewer Ortiz pass.
“You didn’t start off the meeting with a statement that you didn’t trust him” DiCesare half-stated half asked.
Ortiz said she had not called the meeting and that Loera’s boss had asked him to take part in the meeting. “We didn’t know each other,” Ortiz said.
“Do you think it is honest to hide your feelings?” DiCesare said. “Is it polite to conceal your fundamental distrust from him when you are having a meeting?”
“I didn’t conceal any fundamental dislike…” Ortiz began.
“Not dislike,” said DiCesare. “Distrust.”
“Either one,” said Ortiz. “This was a business meeting.”
“He knows you distrust him in 2024,” DiCesare said. “At the time, you distrusted him.” DiCesare emphasized that Ortiz had made no over pronouncement of her distrust of DiCesare.
“It was already established,” Ortiz said
“So, if he knew you didn’t distrust him, why didn’t you say the word ‘recorded?’” DiCesare asked
“I didn’t want to start the meeting making a statement that I distrusted him,” Ortiz said.
“But he knew you distrusted him?” DiCesare persisted.
“Objection,” Schlueter interjected.
“Sustained,” ruled Judge Rodriguez.

 


At various points during the second week of the trial a contretemps involving the defendant, the defense, the prosecution and Judge Rodriguez broke out over a paradox that has yet to be resolved. It is the prosecution’s contention, which has been supported in most of its dimensions by rulings Judge Rodriguez has made, that the underlying criminal investigation around which Ortiz’s actions revolved and which resulted in the filing of the two misdemeanor charges against her are beyond the boundaries of what the jury should be considering. The alleged criminal activity to be focused upon during the course of the trial, according to the district attorney’s office, is Ortiz’s recording of the conversations with Goodman and Loera, which are to be considered illegal under Penal Code Section 632, the prosecutors insist, because Ortiz did not have Goodman’s and Loera’s consent to record them and did not properly inform them she was doing so. That the subject Ortiz was discussing with the police chief and the union president was the allegedly unlawful accessing of the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System data base by Steve Desrochers, a detective with the department and a former president of the police officers’ union, should be of no bearing in determining Ortiz’s guilt or innocence, according to Deputy District Attorney DiCesare and District Attorney Jason Anderson. During pivotal pretrial hearings, Judge Rodriguez concurred with the district attorney’s office and granted several of what are called motions in limine – requests for the limitation or exclusion of evidence and testimony – brought by the prosecution. Among those motions in limine was that there was to be no overt discussion or even reference to Desrochers’ actions in illegally taping into the law enforcement data base to dig up information on Ortiz that could be used against her in her campaign.
That restriction has created an awkward circumstance all the way around, as both of the recordings at the heart of the case against Ortiz – the ones of the August 15, 2024 conversation and the August 29, 2024 conversation – contain passages in which Loera and Goodman speak about Desrochers’ having accessed the data base in an attempt to obtain damning information regarding Ortiz. More pointedly, both Goodman and Loera state on the recordings what are essentially unequivocal pronouncements that Desrochers was guilty of what he was accused of – illegally accessing the data base and using the information for an illegitimate purpose unrelated to enforcing the law, namely as campaign fodder against Ortiz. The jurors heard both recordings, but have not been provided with the context to assimilate what the implication of those statements is. Worse yet, in their testimony, both Goodman, to a greater extent, and Loera, to a somewhat lesser extent, outright contradicted their recorded statements with regard to Desrochers’ action in accessing the law enforcement data base. Goodman, in particular, in the August 29, 2024 recording, can be heard stating that if Desrochers were still working for the department and was not retired, he would as police chief not only terminate him but see to it that he was prosecuted. Loera, on the August 14, 2024 recording, speaking as the president of the police officers association, refers to the misuse of the law enforcement data base for political purposes as one of “the sins of our forefathers,” meaning former police union officials, of whom Desrochers was one.
The case the district attorney’s office has put together against Ortiz is highly reliant on the testimony of both Goodman and Loera, who are, in addition to being the victims of Ortiz’s alleged crime, also the primary witnesses. The motions in limine filed by the prosecution and granted by Judge Rodriguez prevent Schlueter from vectoring the jury’s attention to the discrepancy between Goodman’s and Loera’s testimony and what they said during the course of the recordings, which is doubly crippling to Ortiz’s defense. First, this circumstance precludes impeaching Goodman Loera as witnesses, because the contradiction between their claims on the witness stand that no investigation into Desrochers and his action had been carried out in 2024 and that he was subsequently cleared when that investigation was concluded in 2025 cannot be compared to their pronouncements of Desrochers’ guilt in 2024. Secondly, Schlueter and Ortiz have been deprived of being able to provide a compelling illustrating of the rationale for making the recordings: stated straightforwardly, that Ortiz could not simply rely on verbal statements and assurances that the police chief and union president would provide her in private, since they could, as they have now apparently done, change their story and rely on their credibility as sworn law enforcement officers to deny they had said what she claimed, leaving her in the position of having to document what they said by recording it.
There were other motions in limine granted by Judge Rodriguez, another one of which manifested problematically during testimony this week.
In addition to approaching Goodman about a member or members of the police department accessing the State of California’s shared law enforcement data base and using that information in a political context in November 2023 and again on multiple occasions in 2024, Ortiz had also contacted the San Bernardino County District Attorney’s Office and the Federal Bureau of Investigation about the matter in 2025. The district attorney’s office’s investigation of Ortiz’s complaint was handled, in the main, by two of its investigators, Darnel McDermott and Jorge Chavez. It so happens that the San Bernardino County District Attorney’s Office is involved in a cooperative operation with the FBI through the FBI’s Office of Partner Engagement program. The district attorney’s office’s liaison to the FBI is Investigator Jorge Chavez.
In May 2025, Ortiz, who was unaware of the FBI/San Bernardino County District Attorney’s Office involvement in the Partner Engagement program, had contacted both the San Bernardino County District Attorney’s Public Integrity Unit and the FBI, separately. The district attorney’s office directed her to fill out a digitized complaint form. In response to her approach to the FBI, that agency had made a show of interest in the issue[s] she had contacted it about. She then provided the local FBI task force assigned to investigate crimes or alleged crimes involving governmental entities, agencies and governmental officials with a flash drive that consisted of evidence she believed to be probative of the misuse of governmental assets such as the California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System for political purposes, including copies of the recordings of her August 15, 2024 and August 29, 2024 conversations with Loera and Goodman. In San Bernardino County, that task force is manned by FBI Agent C.J. Sanders, who works in coordination with Chavez. Roughly three-and-a-half months later, Ortiz contacted the district attorney’s office to prompt it to look into her report. During the course of that exchange, she was asked if she had any evidence to augment her report. She then provided the district attorney’s office a flash drive with the materials she had provided to the FBI, including the recordings. It would be the district attorney’s office’s examination of those recordings which led to the filing of the criminal case against her.
One of the motions in limine pertained to any mention of Ortiz’s report to the FBI with regard to the Desrochers/California Law Enforcement Telecommunications System access or her cooperation with the FBI.
It is the defense’s contention that the recordings Ortiz is charged with have illegally made were legally and properly obtained and that she had freely turned them over to the district attorney’s office is not just an indication that she did nothing illegal but proof of her innocence, as she would not have turned over to the prosecutor’s office evidence that she had broken the law if, in fact, she had recorded the conversations with Leora and Goodman, without their knowledge and consent. In angling to establish otherwise, DiCesare through his questioning of McDermott, had sought to demonstrate that Ortiz had delayed making the recording of Loera available to the district attorney’s office for over a year after it was made and held off on providing the recording of Goodman conversation for nearly a year after it was made. When Ortiz took the witness stand to testify in her own defense on direct examination by Schluester, she made herself subject to DiCesare’s cross examination. DiCesare saw that as an opportunity to nail down his contention that Ortiz had not been forthcoming with the recordings.
With Ortiz on the witness stand, Schluester delved into that topic. She had not made the recording available to the district attorney’s office until August 2025, Schuester stated more than asked. That was not so, Ortiz responded. She had made it available to the district attorney’s office more than three months earlier, in May, she said.
Schluester contradicted, marshaling a recitation of the testimony provided by McDermott and documentation showing that the recording had not been dropped off at the district attorney’s office until August 2025.
At that point, Ortiz came straight out with her explanation – Chavez had been present when she handed one of the flash drives over to the FBI team. That, in turn, sent Judge Rodriguez into orbit. Shortly thereafter, outside the presence of the jury, Judge Rodriguez sharply rebuked Ortiz, telling her that she damn well knew about the motions in limine that had been granted, as she had been present throughout the entirety of the trial and the hearings on pre-trial motions.
Up until that point, the jury had been kept in the absolute dark with regard to the FBI being involved in the case and had no grounds to know or suspect that a federal agency was previously or may yet be looking into Desrochers and other members of the police department, extending, theoretically, to include Loera and Goodman. This clashes head-on with District Attorney Jason Anderson’s and Deputy District Attorney DiCesare’s prosecutorial theory, one respected and so far honed by Judge Rodriguez, that wrongdoing by anyone else, including the two alleged victims in the crime Ortiz is charged with, and the consideration that Ortiz in committing the crimes she has been charged with was attempting to document or prove that those crimes were occurring are irrelevant to the consideration of Ortiz’s guilt.
Ortiz, of course, took an oath to tell the truth and the whole truth when she was sworn in before testifying. When she lived up to that oath by responding to DiCesare’s repetitive questions, Judge Rodriguez’s anger was vectored at her, the defendant, rather than at DiCesare, the prosecutor, who presumably knew the answer to the question he was posing to Ortiz, as he already knows the answers to the vast majority of questions he poses during both direct examinations and cross examinations.
In this way, Jorge Chavez, the phantom investigator whom the jury never saw nor heard from, who is a district attorney’s investigator but is not a district attorney’s investigator, who is an FBI agent but is not an FBI agent, remains a phantom. Whether his ethereal presence was felt by all, some or none of the members of the jury when Ortiz mentioned him in the face of a hard-charging prosecutor who was implying or insinuating or insisting she was lying when she was doing the best she could to tell the truth she was sworn to serve under an extremely nuanced circumstance in which she was restricted with regard to what she could say is known only by the jurors, with whom no one is at liberty at present to speak. Perhaps, the mysterious Jorge Chavez occupied their attention and focus for mere seconds and is now gone, maybe forever with no chance of any second thought or apparition. On the other hand, if the specter of Jorge Chavez yet lives in the mentation of three or four of the jurors or that of two or three or as few as one or two or even just one, that spirit of mystery might usher in his cousin, the sprint of doubt, the bane of prosecutors.

Hemorrhaging Huge Cash & Pursued By The State’s Air Resources Board, Searles Valley Minerals Comes Through First Bankruptcy Round Somehow Yet Intact

Federal Bankruptcy Judge Brendan L. Shannon on August 21 rebuffed the California Air Resources Board’s effort to block the sale of Searles Valley Minerals’ operations in Trona through the imposition of a requirement that any entities which purchase the failing company’s assets, either in whole or piecemeal, inherit its past $76.3 million environmental pollution debt.
Judge Shannon’s ruling cleared the way for Searles Valley Minerals’ parent company, Karnavati Holdings, Inc., a division of Ahmedabad, Gujurat, India-based based Nirma, to sell its North American soda ash customer contracts and related commercial rights to Tata Chemicals North America Inc., a subsidiary of the Tata Group, an Indian multinational conglomerate headquartered in Mumbai, India.
The California Air Resources Board had made a filing in the U.S. Bankruptcy Court in Wilmington, Delaware, where the matter is being heard, that Searles Valley Mineral’s so-called cap-and-trade debt should, under Section 363 of the U.S. Bankruptcy Code, be assumed by whatever company purchases the operations and assets of Searles Valley Minerals and its two related companies, Trona Railway Company LLC and Searles Domestic Water Company, LLC. Continue reading

Scandal-Plagued Alejandre Seeking Seamless School Oversight Transition To Binks

By Carlos Avalos
As the establishment candidate in this year’s race for the position of San Bernardino County superintendent of schools, Cali Binks, currently the superintendent of the Yucaipa-Calimesa School District, is the odds-on favorite to succeed the outgoing county superintendent of schools, Ted Alejandre. Alejandre’s scandal-plagued tenure at last caught up with him over the previous two years, resulting in his decision to retire after as superintendent in December, at the end of what will be his third four-year term in office.
Reformists who for more than a half decade have been carrying out an informational and agitational campaign to expose the educational shortcomings and fiduciary failures in Alejandre’s stewardship of the San Bernardino County’s primary office of educational oversight, while heartened at his pending departure, are less than sanguine about the anticipated ascendancy of Binks, his designated successor. A widespread perception across the county is that Binks was chosen to replace Alejandre and then embraced by the army of campaign donors who previously backed Alejandre in order to perpetuate the abuses of the education system and violations of the public trust that flourished under Alejandre and previous county superintendents of schools whom Alejandre was anointed to succeed – Gary Thomas, Barry Pulliam and Herb Fischer.
San Bernardino County’s political institutions, from its county offices including those of the board of supervisors to sheriff to district attorney to assessor to county treasurer and its more local offices such as city and town councils, have been permeated for generations by an intensive pay-to-play ethos, which has compromised the integrity of governance. The office of county superintendent of schools has been no exception to that corruption of purpose. Continue reading

Morongo Valley Unified No Longer Able To Stave Off School Closures

Despite the parents of school-age children in Landers wanting Landers Elementary School to remain open, the attendance numbersat the school just aren’t holding up. This is leading to the very distinct possibility the school will be shuttered with the beginning of the 2027-28 school year.
Since 2020, statewide with only some very small pockets of variance, public school enrollment in California has dropped by a cumulative total of over 400,000 students.
The total public school enrollment in California for the 2025–26 school year was 5,731,260 for students from kindergarten through the 12th grade, according to the California Department of Education. Enrollment throughout the state dropped by 1.3 percent, or 74,961 students, compared to the previous year. Traditional public schools’ enrollments fell by 1.4 percent, while charter public schools declined by 0.3 percent. State officials attribute the drop to declining birth rates and shifts in migration and immigration.
As a consequence, California over the previous six to eight years, for the first extended time in at least seven generations, has no longer been in intensive school campus construction mode. Continue reading

Heat, No Doubt, Had A Role In Colorado Man’s Death In Amboy

A man from Colorado was found dead in the open desert near Amboy Crater On August 20.
The sheriff’s coroner division has not yet identified  the cause of death of the man, John A. Arpad, 72, of Colorado Springs, Colorado.
It is believed but not firmly established that heat and dehydration was the root cause of Arpad’s demise.
It is not known how long before his body was found that Arpad had died.  The temperature in Amboy on August 30, recorded at noon, was 100 degrees Fahrenheit. The temperature in Amboy on August 30, recorded at 6.p.m, was 95 degrees.  The temperature in Amboy on August 29,  recorded at noon, was 106 degrees. The temperature in Amboy on August 29, recorded at 6 p.m., was 95 degrees. The  temperature in Amboy on August 28, recorded at noon, was 108 degrees. The temperature in Amboy on August 28, recorded at 6 p.m., was 102 degrees. The temperature in Amboy on August 27,  recorded at noon, was 108 degrees. The temperature in Amboy on August 27, recorded at 6 p.m., was 100 degrees. The  temperature in Amboy on August 26, recorded at noon, was 109 degrees. The temperature in Amboy on August 26, recorded at 6 p.m., was 106 degrees. The  temperature in Amboy on August 25, recorded at noon, was 108 degrees. The temperature in Amboy on August 25, recorded at 6 p.m., was 104 degrees.
A hiker trekking in the 6700 block of Crater Road, west of Amboy, came across Arpad’s remains at about 4:15 p.m. Sunday, August 30.
Initially, Arpad’s death is being seen as misadventure rather than the result of foul play.

Ontario STEAM Principal Absent Following Being Snared In Orange County Sexual Hookup Sting With 16-Year-Old

The August 17 arrest of the former principal of Alta Loma High School who resigned from that post last year to take on the leadership of the Ontario Montclair’ School District’s intensified science and mathematics learning program has thrown the operations at the campus where that accelerated educational program takes place into disarray.
The Vineyard STEAM Academy is a public school serving transitional kindergarten through 8th grade students in the Ontario-Montclair School District. Located on the campus of Vineyard Elementary School at 1500 East 6th Street in Ontario, those permitted to attend it are restricted to those students who have a demonstrated ability or interest in science, technology, engineering and mathematics.
When instruction for the 2026–2027 academic year began in the Ontario-Montclair School District began on Wednesday, August 5, 2026, Kaylor was back in place as the vineyard STEAM Academy’s principal for what was to be his second straight year in that academic billet. Continue reading

September 4 SBC Sentinel Legal Notices

ORDER TO SHOW CAUSE FOR CHANGE OF NAME CASE
NUMBER CIVSB2623127
TO ALL INTERESTED PERSONS: Petitioner RAFAEL SAVAGE ESPINOZA MONARREZ JR. filed with this court for a decree changing names as follows:
RAFAEL MARCIAL ESPINOZA MORALES JR. to RAFAEL MARCIAL ESPINOZA MONARREZ JR.
[and]
ALEXANDER FELIX ESPINOZA MORALES to ALEXANDER FELIX ESPINOZA MONARREZ
THE COURT ORDERS that all persons interested in this matter appear before this court at the hearing indicated below to show cause, if any, why the petition for change of name should not be granted. Any person objecting to the name changes described above must file a written objection that includes the reasons for the objection at least two court days before the matter is scheduled to be heard and must appear at the hearing to show cause why the petition should not be granted. If no written objection is timely filed, the court may grant the petition without a hearing.
Notice of Hearing:
Date: 09/23/2026, Time: 09:00 AM, Department: S24
The address of the court is Superior Court of California, County of San Bernardino, San Bernardino District-Civil Division, 247 West Third Street, San Bernardino, CA 92415, IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that a copy of this order be published in the San Bernardino County Sentinel in San Bernardino County California, once a week for four successive weeks prior to the date set for hearing of the petition.
Dated: 08/12/2026
Sarena Perez, Deputy Clerk of the Superior Court
Judge of the Superior Court: Joseph T Ortiz
Published in the San Bernardino County Sentinel August 14, 21 & 28 and September 4, 2026.

 

 

FBN20260005652
The following entity is doing business primarily in San Bernardino County as
CH-BRIDGE FUTURE FUND 9229 UTICA AVE STE 140 RANCHO CUCAMONGA, CA 91730: EXPRESS WORKFORCE FOUNDATION 9229 UTICA AVE, SUITE 140 RANCHO CUCAMONGA, CA 91730
Business Mailing Address: 9229 UTICA AVE STE 140 RANCHO CUCAMONGA, CA 91730
The business is conducted by: A CORPORATION registered with the State of California.
The registrant commenced to transact business under the fictitious business name or name listed above on: MAY 10, 2020.
By signing, I declare that all information in this statement is true and correct. A registrant who declares as true information which he or she knows to be false is guilty of a crime (B&P Code 17913). I am also aware that all information on this statement becomes Public Record upon filing.
/s/ THERESA JONES ZAROUR, CEO
Statement filed with the County Clerk of San Bernardino on: 06/15/2026
I hereby certify that this copy is a correct copy of the original statement on file in my office San Bernardino County Clerk By:/Deputy K9232
Notice-This fictitious name statement expires five years from the date it was filed in the office of the county clerk. A new fictitious business name statement must be filed before that time. The filing of this statement does not of itself authorize the use in this state of a fictitious business name in violation of the rights of another under federal, state, or common law (see Section 14400 et seq., Business and Professions Code).
Published in the San Bernardino County Sentinel on July 24 & 31 and August 7 & 14, 2026.

FBN20260007308
The following entity is doing business primarily in San Bernardino County as
BEST ONTARIO SMOG CHECK 2201 E 4TH ST ONTARIO, CA 91764: EDWEN AURELRIUS
Business Mailing Address: 2201 E 4TH ST ONTARIO, CA 91764
The business is conducted by: AN INDIVIDUAL.
The registrant commenced to transact business under the fictitious business name or name listed above on: N/A
By signing, I declare that all information in this statement is true and correct. A registrant who declares as true information which he or she knows to be false is guilty of a crime (B&P Code 17913). I am also aware that all information on this statement becomes Public Record upon filing.
/s/ EDWEN AURELRIUS, Owner
Statement filed with the County Clerk of San Bernardino on: 08/04/2026
I hereby certify that this copy is a correct copy of the original statement on file in my office San Bernardino County Clerk By:/Deputy K5930
Notice-This fictitious name statement expires five years from the date it was filed in the office of the county clerk. A new fictitious business name statement must be filed before that time. The filing of this statement does not of itself authorize the use in this state of a fictitious business name in violation of the rights of another under federal, state, or common law (see Section 14400 et seq., Business and Professions Code).
Published in the San Bernardino County Sentinel on August 14, 21 & 28 and September 4, 2026.

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